Mendelssohn’s “Wedding March”

Whenever I think of the word “marriage,” Mendelssohn’s famous “Wedding March” immediately pops up in my head. Every time I go to a Chinese wedding I can expect to hear this song being played when the bride walked down the aisle. At the same time, I have often wondered why the newly wed couple chose this song out of all the (Chinese) songs they could have chosen. Ritual: I believe the six-letter word answers that question of mine. Livingston explains that “rituals are found in every human community and are a primary means of social communication and cohesion, [thus] a religious ritual [is] defined as an agreed-on and formalized pattern of ceremonial movements and verbal expressions carried out in a sacred context” (Sacred Ritual, 98). According to Livingston’s definition of religious rituals, Mendelssohn’s Wedding March is automatically associated with marriage rites because the song has become a formalized pattern frequently used during marriage ceremonies.

After doing a bit of research I discovered that this song was an incidental piece of music performed in 1842 as part of Shakespeare play A Midsummer Night’s Dream. A couple used Mendelssohn’s “Wedding March” for their wedding in 1847, but it was not until 1858 that it became popularized. The song was a recessional to the famous marriage between Princess Victoria Adelaide Mary Louise of the United Kingdom and Prince Friedrich Wilhelm of Prussia (PBS.org) in 1858. From that moment on, Mendelssohn’s “Wedding March” became a formalized pattern in countless weddings in the English-speaking world. Thus, it was a little less than a 160 years ago that Mendelssohn’s “Wedding March” became a medium that transformed “ordinary spaces like [outdoor venues] and [banquet halls] into extraordinary settings experienced as sacred ground” (Laderman, 42). Laderman describes how music does this by “inhabiting and altering the body” (27). Music, such as Mendelssohn’s “Wedding March,” is more than just what one hears because it helps fulfill basic human needs of emotional and social want, such as going to weddings expecting to be a part of a larger social interaction group. By playing Mendelssohn’s famous march, every couple is emphasizing how important marriage is as an institution. Similar to how National Hymns are symbols of a country and all of its history, this march represents all of marriages and what it presents. Of course, one could ask oneself how much longer this tradition is going to last. Will millennials continue to play Mendelssohn at their weddings, or will there be a “new” wedding march?

The Religion of Life

The Religion of Life

While describing a variety of major American pop culture groups in his book Authentic Fakes, David Chidester writes “… these are all authentic fakes doing real religious work in forging a community, focusing desire, and facilitating exchange in ways that look just like religion” (Preface, viii). Chidester claims that religion is defined by these principles, and that any group maintaining these rules is essentially a religion, regardless of whether or not it is “authentic.” The “authentic fake” religions in Kūmāré and Seinfeld abide by the standards of religion as defined by Chidester. In Kūmāré, a group of unique individuals form a cohesive community centered around Kūmāré himself, focus on their personal desires, and make ritualistic and interpersonal exchanges with Kūmāré and one another. In Seinfeld, whether Festivus or Christmas, an obsession over exchanges that pertain to these religions is evident, and communities, both small and large, are brought together. Seinfeld is a sitcom about everyday, average life that, by Chidester’s definition, holds true to essential religious principles. Can one argue that everyday life, and life itself, is a religion? Some might say that an average, routine day is an eternal ritual practiced by those adhering to the religion of life.